Special Operations Forces Medical Handbook, , is the first edition of a comprehensive resource designed for Special Operations Forces (SOF) medics. PDF | Handbook of special operations medicine | ResearchGate, the professional network for scientists. Editorial Reviews. About the Author. The Department of Defense oversees the U.S. Army, Navy, Special Operations Forces Medical Handbook 2nd ed. Edition.
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Special Operations Forces Medical Handbook, by United States Special Operations Command, Tampa, Florida. Jackson, WY: Teton NewMedia, work as an FBI Special Agent—Joe is uniquely. What Every BODY Is Saying: An Ex-FBI Agent's Guide to Speed Re Special Operations Forces Medical. however, take the place or eliminate the need for a comprehensive medical biological Warfare Holders of ST B, Special Forces Medical Handbook.
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Views Total views. Actions Shares. Embeds 0 No embeds. Should not be a lower budget priority than police internal affairs systems. Essential for solving credibility questions and enhancing public confidence in process.
Reflect Community Diversity. Board and staff should be broadly representative of the community it serves. Policy Recommendations. Civilian oversight can spot problem policies and provide a forum for developing reforms. Statistical Analysis. Public statistical reports can detail trends in allegations, and early warning systems can identify officers who are subjects of unusually numerous complaints.
Separate Offices. Should be housed away from police headquarters to maintain independence and credibility with public. Disciplinary Role. Board findings should be considered in determining appropriate disciplinary action.
The existence of a civilian review agency, a reform in itself, can help ensure that other needed reforms are implemented. A police department can formulate model policies aimed at deterring and punishing misconduct, but those policies will be meaningless unless a system is in place to guarantee that the policies are aggressively enforced.
Civilian review works, if only because it's at least a vast improvement over the police policing themselves. Nearly all existing civilian review systems — reduce public reluctance to file complaints reduce procedural barriers to filing complaints enhance the likelihood that statistical reporting on complaints will be more complete enhance the likelihood of an independent review of abuse allegations foster confidence in complainants that they will get their "day in court" through the hearing process increase scrutiny of police policies that lead to citizen complaints increase opportunities for other reform efforts.
A campaign to establish a civilian review agency, or to strengthen an already existing agency, is an excellent vehicle for community organizing. In Indianapolis, for example, a civilian review campaign brought about not only the establishment of a civilian review agency, but an effective coalition between the Indiana ACLU, the local branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People NAACP and other community groups that could take future action on other issues.
Your community's campaign should seek a strong, fully-independent and accessible civilian review system. But even with a weak system, you can press for changes to make it more independent and effective.
Although the rate of deadly force abuse is still intolerably high, national data reveal reductions in the number of persons shot and killed by the police since the mids — as much as to 40 percent in our 50 largest cities.
This has been accompanied by a significant reduction in the racial disparities among persons shot and killed: since the s, from about six people of color to one white person, down to three people of color to one white. This progress serves as a model for controlling other forms of police behavior.
And was achieved though hard work and perseverance. In the mids, police departments began developing restrictive internal policies on the use of deadly force.
They adopted the "defense of life" standard: the use of deadly force only when the life of an officer or some other person is in danger. In , the Supreme Court finally upheld this standard in the case of Tennessee v. Garner see table. However, the majority of policies adopted by police departments go beyond the Court's Garner decision, prohibiting warning shots, shots to wound and other reckless actions.
Most important, these policies require officers to file written reports after each firearm discharge, and require that those reports be reviewed by higher-ranking officers. To meet goal 2, your community must — Ensure that the police department has a highly restrictive deadly force policy see sample policy. Most big city departments do. But the national trend data on shootings suggest that medium-sized and small departments have not caught up with the big cities, so much remains to be done there.
Much remains to be done as well in county sheriff and state police agencies, which have not been subject to the same scrutiny as big city police departments. Ensure enforcement of the deadly force policy through community monitoring.
Citizens should also be able to find out whether the department disciplines officers who violate its policy, and whether certain officers are repeatedly involved in questionable incidents. The department's policies, rules and procedures are designed to ensure that this value guides police officers' use of firearms. RULES — The policy stated above is the basis of the following set of rules that have been designed to guide officers in all cases involving the use of firearms — RULE 1 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms except to protect themselves or another person from imminent death or serious bodily injury.
RULE 2 — Police officers shall discharge their firearms only when doing so will not endanger innocent persons.
RULE 3 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms to threaten or subdue persons whose actions are destructive to property or injurious to themselves but which do not represent an imminent threat of death or serious bodily injury to the officer or others. RULE 4 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms to subdue an escaping suspect who presents no imminent threat of death or serious bodily injury. RULE 5 — Police officers shall not discharge their weapons at a moving vehicle unless it is absolutely necessary to do so to protect against an imminent threat to the life of the officer or others.
RULE 6 — Police officers when confronting an oncoming vehicle shall attempt to move out of the path, if possible, rather than discharge their firearms at the oncoming vehicle. RULE 7 — Police officers shall not intentionally place themselves in the path of an oncoming vehicle and attempt to disable the vehicle by discharging their firearms.
RULE 8 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms at a fleeing vehicle or its driver. RULE 9 — Police officers shall not fire warning shots.
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RULE 10 — Police officers shall not draw or display their firearms unless there is a threat or probable cause to believe there is a threat to life, or for inspection. The citizens of Houston have vested in their police officers the power to carry and use firearms in the exercise of their service to society.
This power is based on trust and, therefore, must be balanced by a system of accountability. The serious consequences of the use of firearms by police officers necessitate the specification of limits for officers' discretion; there is often no appeal from an officer's decision to use a firearm.
Therefore, it is imperative that every effort be made to ensure that such use is not only legally warranted but also rational and humane. The basic responsibility of police officers to protect life also requires that they exhaust all other reasonable means for apprehension and control before resorting to the use of firearms. Police officers are equipped with firearms as a means of last resort to protect themselves and others from the immediate threat of death or serious bodily injury.
Even though all officers must be prepared to use their firearms when necessary, the utmost restraint must be exercised in their use.
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Consequently, no officer will be disciplined for discharging a firearm in self-defense or in defense of another when faced with a situation that immediately threatens life or serious bodily injury.
Just as important, no officer will be disciplined for not discharging a firearm if that discharge might threaten the life or safety of an innocent person, or if the discharge is not clearly warranted by the policy and rules of the department. Above all, this department values the safety of its employees and the public. Likewise it believes that police officers should use firearms with a high degree of restraint.
Officers' use of firearms, therefore, shall never be considered routine and is permissible only in defense of life and then only after all alternative means have been exhausted. This policy should have two parts — It should explicitly restrict physical force to the narrowest possible range of specific situations. For example, a policy on the use of batons should forbid police officers from striking citizens in "non-target" areas, such as the head and spine, where permanent injuries can result.
Mace should be used defensively, not offensively. The use of electronic stun guns should be strictly controlled and reviewed, since they have great potential for abuse because they don't leave scars or bruises. The policy should require that a police officer file a written report after any use of physical force, and that report should be automatically reviewed by high ranking officers.
Your community's second objective should be to get the police department to establish an early warning system to identify officers who are involved in an inordinate number of inappropriate physical force incidents.
The incidents should then be investigated and, if verified, the officers involved should be charged, disciplined, transferred, retrained or offered counseling, depending on the severity of their misconduct. And it's particularly difficult to deal with because spying, by definition, is a covert activity, unknown to either the victim or other witnesses.
During the s, the ACLU and other organizations brought lawsuits against unconstitutional police surveillance in several cities around the country, including New York City, Chicago, Memphis and Los Angeles.
The result was increased controls on police spying. In , Seattle residents discovered local police were spying on organizations of black construction workers, local Republican Party operatives, Native Americans, advocates for low-income housing and other activists whose conduct was perfectly lawful.
After several years of hard work and lobbying, the coalition succeeded in bringing about passage of a comprehensive municipal law — the first of its kind in the country — that governs all police investigations and restricts the collection of political, religious and sexual information. Called the Seattle Police Intelligence Ordinance, this law is a model for responsible police intelligence operations — "Restricted" information i.
Special Operations Forces Medical Handbook
An independent civilian "auditor," appointed by the mayor and confirmed by the city council, must review all police authorizations to collect restricted information and have access to all other police files.
The auditor must notify the police officers who are the subjects of the unlawful investigations if violations are found.
Any individual subjected to unlawful surveillance can bring a civil action in court to stop the surveillance, and to collect damages from the city. Open policy-making not only allows police officials to benefit from community input, but it also provides an opportunity for police officials to explain to the public why certain tactics or procedures may be necessary. This kind of communication can help anticipate problems and avert crises before they occur.
The Police Review Commission a civilian review body of Berkeley, California, holds regular, bi-monthly meetings that are open to the public where representatives of community organizations can voice criticisms, make proposals and introduce resolutions to review or reform specific police policies.
The Project has also prevented the adoption of an anti-loitering rule, a policy that would have made demonstrators financially liable for police costs, and other bad policies. Composed of both civilian and police representatives, it has the authority to initiate investigations of controversial incidents or questionable policies, and other oversight functions. But today, this seems a less crucial issue in many police departments because the educational levels of American police officers have risen dramatically in recent years.
In , only 3. By that figure had risen to The levels of education are highest among new recruits, who in many departments have about two years of college.
The training of police personnel has also improved significantly in recent years. The average length of police academy programs has more than doubled, from about to over hours; in some cities, or even hours are the rule.
As the time devoted to training has increased, the academies have added a number of important subjects to their curricula: race relations, domestic violence, handling the mentally ill, and so on.
Unquestionably, a rigorously trained, professional police force is a desirable goal that should be pursued depending on local conditions. If citizens in your community feel that this is an important issue — You should aim for a first-rate police academy curriculum. The curriculum should be near the high end of the current scale — hours or more.
It should include a mix of classroom and supervised field training. It should include training in violence reduction techniques. In addition to being given weapons and taught how to use them, police recruits should also learn special skills — especially communications skills — to help them defuse and avert situations that might lead to the necessary use of force. It should include community sensitivity training. Training recruits to handle issues of special significance in particular communities can lead to a reduction in community-police tensions.
In the early s, the ACLU of Georgia, after a series of incidents occurred in Atlanta involving police harassment of gays, helped provide regular training at the local police academy to sensitize new recruits on gay and lesbian concerns. During the same period, the Police Practices Project of the ACLU of Northern California, working with other groups, organized a group of homeless people to create a video for use in sensitivity training at the San Francisco police academy.
In response to complaints that state police were harassing minority motorists and entrapping gay men during an undercover operation in the men's room of a highway service area, in the late s the ACLU of New Jersey joined the NAACP and the Lesbian and Gay Coalition in initiating a series of meetings with the new superintendent of the Division of State Police. The three groups now participate in a two-day seminar on "Cultural Diversity and Professionalism" introduced by the superintendent's office.
Attendance is required by all employees of the Division. Unfortunately, even the most enlightened training programs can be undermined by veteran officers, who traditionally tell recruits out in the field to "forget all that crap they taught you in the academy. The evaluation scores they gave recruits revealed their systematic attempts to weed out minority and women officers.
They labeled women recruits "bad drivers," gave Asians low scores in radio communication and unfairly criticized African Americans for their report-writing. The Northern California ACLU's Police Practices Project joined other community groups in successfully pressuring the police department to adopt stricter selection criteria for FTOs to ensure greater racial and gender integration, fairer evaluations of recruits and higher quality training. People of color have been grossly underrepresented, and women were not even accepted as full-fledged officers until the s.
Some progress has been made in the last 20 years or so. Police departments in several cities now have significant numbers of officers who are people of color. A few departments even approach the theoretically ideal level of maintaining forces that reflect the racial composition of the communities they serve. Most departments now recruit and assign women on an equal basis with men.
Improvements in police employment practices have come about largely as the result of litigation under existing civil rights laws. However, the courts may not be hospitable to employment discrimination claims in the future.
Therefore, community groups and civil rights organizations should prepare to fight in the political arena for the integration of police departments. In the short term, the recruitment of more women and minority officers may not result in less police abuse. Several social science studies suggest that minority and white officers do not differ greatly in their use of physical or deadly force, or in their arrest practices.
Female officers, on the other hand, are involved in citizen complaints at about half the rate of male officers, according to the New York City CCRB. Still, in the long term, an integrated police force is a very important goal for these reasons — Integration will break down the isolation of police departments, as they reflect more and more the composition of the communities they serve.
A representative police force will probably be less likely to behave like an alien, occupying army. The visible presence of officers of color in high-ranking command positions engenders public confidence in the ability of police department personnel to identify, on human terms, with community residents.
Integration demonstrates a commitment to the principles of equal opportunity and equal protection of the law. This is a crucial message for the primary enforcement arm of "the law" to send.
These require all sworn officers to have some minimum level of training.
This was one of the advances of the late s and early s. An important new development is the advent of procedures for decertifying officers. Traditionally, a police officer could be fired from one department but then hired by another. As a result, persons guilty of gross misconduct could continue to work as police officers. Decertification bars a dismissed officer from further police employment in that state though not necessarily in some other state.
Between and , the Florida Criminal Justice Standards and Training Commission decertified police officers. Be aware, however, that the state commission must have sufficient power and resources to investigate misconduct complaints, and must vigorously exercise its authority.Minority Employment. All required fields must be filled out for us to be able to process your form.
The Coalition's research provided the basis for the deliberations of the Working Group; even more important, once the Working Group has delivered its recommendations, monitoring the resulting process will be the responsibility of the Coalition.
Most important, these policies require officers to file written reports after each firearm discharge, and require that those reports be reviewed by higher-ranking officers. Accordingly, if you are not sure whether material infringes your copyright, we suggest that you first contact an attorney. An independent civilian "auditor," appointed by the mayor and confirmed by the city council, must review all police authorizations to collect restricted information and have access to all other police files.
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