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, 40,08 39, 28, 35, 58,93 12,01 63,55 52,00 83,8. ,6. 14, , 6, ,97 magnesium mangan molybden natrium neodym neon. Kemi, Meripuistokatu. SECURITY. GUIDE. Public emergency phone number. . In case of an emergency, quickly call the public emergency phone number. WOLE SOYINKA And Other Poems Kemi Atanda Ilori Universal Books UK For Sir Nicholas Herd Paradise Madrigal Breasts Psaltery .

Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Universal Books.

First published Printed in the United Kingdom A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library ISBN Paperback Universal Books has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third- party Internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. These are exceptional teachers and first rank scholars in literature and theatre and, well-deserved, both are now outstanding Professors.

I must thank Professor Wole Soyinka, who was heading the department then, for all the help he gave to establish my academic career. One of my students then, now Professor Gbemisola Adeoti, helped me to track down a copy of the original thesis which became the backbone of this book.

Therefore, thanks to Gbemisola whom I remember fondly, along with some of his classmates, for providing the early creative and academic ferment for my developing research practice at the time. My grandson, Isaac, livens up my office and study with his adventurous games. I call him Genius.

Thanks also to members of Living Hope Church, especially, Kieran, for his filial love and support. I am deeply grateful to God for His amazing goodness and faithfulness.

I can never discharge my debt to Him. I owe so much to the Lord Jesus Christ that my gratitude will last through eternity. Dedication I humbly dedicate this book to my late parents My mother, Ebun and My father, Tokunbo In appreciation of their dreams and efforts Paving the way for who I am today. Publisher's Note This volume adds to our growing stable of titles on African literature and theatre. However, we are not bonded to only these two fields.

We are particularly interested in publishing works which break new grounds in existing and emerging areas of scholarship in any academic realm. We will also consider fictional manuscripts of new writing of significant quality, particularly, those asserting or exploring new horizons of genre and narrativity.

We are constantly learning, adventurous and immensely curious! A Biographical Profile He was the youngest of three children. His father was a steam-launch engineer who found time to organise a community theatre in Port Harcourt, and his mother stood out as a performer of traditional dances, managing her own dance group from to His uncle, Chief Robert Dede, led in masquerade performances.

As a result of his performing arts background, Rotimi soon debuted on stage as a four- year old, in a play directed and produced by his father.

Cyprian's School in Port Harcourt to , from where he went on to St. At Boston, she majored in opera, voice, and music education. Here, in , in a collaborative project with his colleagues in the Institute, Rotimi created the Ori-Olokun Players, and refurbished a defunct produce warehouse in Arubidi, suburban Ile-Ife into the Ori-Olokun Cultural Centre for developing the semi-professional troupe.

Accordingly, he created an open courtyard with seats for audiences on three sides, enabling his cast a far freer flow of interaction with audiences than possible within a proscenium arch. This also enabled a dramaturgy in which storytellers, musicians, singers, dancers and even acrobats could weave in and out of the audience with ease. His theatre is also different from that of the stream of playwrights that emerged after the Nigerian civil war which raged from to , such as Wale Ogunyemi, Kole Omotoso, Femi Osofisan, Olu Obafemi, and Bode Sowande to mention but a few that emerged in the 70s and 80s.

And, in contrast to Ogunyemi, Rotimi does not robe his plays in traditional mythic motifs. And, although Rotimi came to the limelight in Nigeria with the production of his play The Gods Are Not to Blame in December , his career began in when at Boston University as an undergraduate he produced his maiden drama, To Stir the God of Iron.

Like most initial efforts, the production fell through, meriting an unfavourable review in the Boston University News of 7th May, But Rotimi did not relent. Convinced of his own abilities and strengthened by the course content of his academic pursuits - Playwriting and Dramatic Literature - Rotimi went on to try his hand at yet another play in And this time he hit some success.

The play had its premiere in as a major production of the Yale School of Drama. From to — the year he left the University of Ife to take up a professorial appointment at the University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt Igbo: Cast the First Stone barely succeeded in catching some attention in the form of reviews in the Mirror News of 1st March, and the Sunday Sketch of 14th April, With the plot patterned after the biblical story of a woman caught in adultery and facing a death penalty to be exacted by a wrathful but hypocritical community, this play reflects a Nigerian environment and flourishes with ethnic mannerisms and observances.

As a literary piece, it was not the play that would bring a long- lasting recognition for the budding theatre at Ife, nor for its enthusiastic and ambitious author and director. Mid, the Ori-Olokun Cultural Centre was formally opened.

A typical favourable reviewer was one David Brokensha whose article appeared in the West Africa magazine of 6th July, Clearly the centre had created a headway for itself but the repertoire of its players contained no great plays and the players themselves, hurriedly assembled as they were, still had to grapple with the complexities of not just a literary theatre but a fully professional type.

In brief, the problems facing Rotimi and his troupe at the time were: Rotimi approached these problems in a two—pronged manner. Firstly, he started a recruitment drive of actors with some professional experience. Most of these came from the folk travelling theatres, or were distinguished artistes in their own rights. There are examples. The other and by far the largest cadre of actors consisted mainly of artisans who had interest in the theatre.

To beef up the intellectual horizons and professional skills of his actors, Rotimi had a coterie of distinguished academics who either in academic or administrative capacities participated in shaping the infant theatre. Moody a professor of English , Dr. Adetona a lecturer in Botany , and Dr.

George Reid a lecturer in Philosophy. Others were Mrs. Margaret Folarin a lecturer in English and Mr. Leke Owolabi a Senior Accountant. In later years, the celebrated Nigerian Musicologist, Professor Sam Akpabot, also put in a brief stay with the players.

As the ultimate solution, Rotimi introduced a session of playwriting through a workshop-cum-seminar programme to stimulate the talents of his actors. Dejo Okediji - the well-known author of Yoruba novels - and Babalola Fatunwase were participants at this workshop.

Their plays Rere Run and Wahala would later become favourite pieces in the repertoire of The Players.

Secondly, Rotimi began to cast around for a specific play that would start off The Players. What Rotimi desired was a new play in which the actors would be in their best elements.

He found in the play a dramatic material that could yield a worthy adaptation. How would Rotimi conceive this adaptation? What I want echoed in the hero is, in essence, the fundamental cause of his wanton waste of human lives which can see but one ultimate thankful beneficiary — the vultures. The title In its more crucial details this suggests a challenging task for which Rotimi would have to rely on those enduring elements of his early career — his genius at comedy, his alertness to the factors of his own culture and the creation of credible characters in a smooth pertinent flow of dramatic action.

He also must develop, perhaps entirely newly, a keen perception that could spot the tragic and bring it about in a neat and convincing pattern of events. It is to the credit of Rotimi that he surmounted the obstacles in his track and provided in The Gods Are not to Blame published in a richly theatrical drama in which comic witticism supports a tragic outline, characterisation is adroitly matched with dramatic action, and the whole gamut of African traditional theatre - music, dance, songs, large but choreographed processions, folklore and mores - is expertly blended into a modern interpretation of a fifth century B.

Greek tragedy dealing with a Theban legend. Premiered on 9th December, and subsequently performed on the 11th and 19th, The Gods came with a compelling dramatic vitality which boosted the image of Rotimi as a playwright-director and launched The Players into fame.

Tours became almost an everyday affair. Becoming a touring troupe spurred The Players into adapting and acquiring new plays. In , the Fine Arts department was carved out of the Institute.

The Department of African Languages and Literatures followed in When in the Institute was finally dissolved, the departments of Dramatic Arts and Music emerged. These changes were to affect The Players as much as the disrepair that overtook the Ori-Olokun Cultural Centre way back in , when funding became sparse. November of same year Kurunmi Hall, another location in Ile-Ife was officially opened.


In , The Players performed Kurunmi again in commemoration of the tenth anniversary of the opening of the university. With the creation of the Dramatic Arts Department, the resident troupe came to serve additional functions. It was part of the plan that it should be an integral unit of the new department rather than an autonomous institution.

However, it was not its commercial success or viability that would underpin its new status but its relevance to the academic focus of the department. As a result, the resources and professionalism of what started as Ori-Olokun Players transmuted into a performance and cultural laboratory for Drama students to get trained in the different arts of the theatre.

By , The Players had become a resident company with a difference: It is today the capital and largest city in Rivers State.

By this move, as a renowned pioneer and builder of a flourishing institutional theatre, Rotimi opened another important page in his own career but also, specifically, in the remarkable development of Nigerian theatre and drama, on a more general note in the concluding decades of the 20th century. To some extent this question has been answered by the preceding analysis of the founding and growth of the University of Ife Theatre. As Ogunbiyi attests: In the hands of Ola Rotimi, Ori Olokun became a real experimental theatre, providing the much-needed meeting point between the traditional artists and the university-trained mind.

Ogunbiyi, The theatre of Ola Rotimi was deeply reliant on his relationship with The Players at the time, and most of the plays which he wrote and produced during his period at the University of Ife were written for this company. In all these interviews, Rotimi admits his preference for historical themes. He finds in them implicit parables for a modern society. Like The Gods , Kurunmi was to serve notice of the futility of wars and the puerile ambitions that breed them.

Obviously, Rotimi meant to comment on the Nigerian civil war which raged from to In Ovonramwen Nogbaisi , Rotimi presents an unflinching anti-colonial stance while he does not fail to point up the weaknesses and abuses of the kingship institution. Akassa Youmi , based on the assault of a British naval vessel on Akassa — a coastal Ijaw settlement — and recorded in history as the Akassa Raid Alagoa, ; , also presents an anti-colonial viewpoint.

In his history plays, Rotimi rarely departs from historical data, but he rearranges this data to suit either his own postcolonial or purely humanist sensibility.

His historical heroes are full of grandeur and all theatrical effects are deployed to fully enhance their status. Despite their tragic role, Rotimi hardly fails to raise a laugh about the chinks in their awesome armour.

For Rotimi, whose tragedies are often emotion—laden and tear—inducing, such comic intrusions are to lessen the tragic tension and cushion the audience against the shock of plunder, betrayal, plague and, sometimes, the death of the tragic hero.

Rotimi so perfected this style that when - as it frequently turned out - his actors did interact with or burst from the midst of the audience, genuine theatrical surprises were sprung and at such moments the actor-audience rapport was indeed electrifying.

At rehearsals, Rotimi emphasises the purpose of physical exercise for the actor. Though Rotimi is fastidious when it comes to blocking his actors, their acting comes across as supple and natural.

The Rotimi family also played an active role in the theatre. Apart from Rotimi himself, Hazel Mae his wife and his children often came in handy in specific acting roles. In other instances, to complement the input of his actors, Rotimi was wont to invite specialised cultural groups to feature in his productions.

An example was the Edo cultural group that performed in the production of Ovonramwen Nogbaisi. Rotimi pins the reasons for this on the accessibility of his theatre both in terms of language and dramatic action, and an ability to reach the mixed Nigerian audience of semi-educated and educated theatre-goers. In language, Rotimi is particularly successful. He utilises a localised version of the English language which effectively accommodates the freewheeling verbalness of his comic characters while also channelling the grave emotions of the tragic heroes.

Rather, it is a pointer to the simplicity, freshness and clarity of that language. Rotimi directed the play for the Third Ife Festival of the Arts in Remarks Rotimi: The facility with which Rotimi blends different elements of the theatre into a fluid but precise form, contriving from the multifaceted aspects of history, anthropology and current social experience a neat but meaty dramatic package, attests eloquently to his importance on the Nigerian stage.

These elements were presciently noted by Yolande Thiviet in , struck by the vitality and the cohesive character of the Ori-Olokun Players when they visited France: Quoted in the Daily Times, May 26, Despite the international acclaim that hailed his theatre career, Rotimi was to admit that he had no universal audience in mind when writing his plays. His primary audience, he explained, was the typically semi-literate Nigerian audience and his aim as a dramaturge was to communicate across the classes this audience represented.

In the productions of Wale Ogunyemi, Bode Sowande and Sonny Oti, for instance, we find three post— Soyinka playwrights handling the same thematic style as Rotimi and exploiting those enduring elements of his theatre. Arguably, whilst the dynamics of African theatre — basically, strong ethnographic references sourced in story- telling, masks, music and mime, cultural dances, scenes and acting styles borrowed from carnivals, rituals and mythic motifs — are present to some extent in the productions of most African playwrights and directors, Rotimi is in the vanguard of such playwrights.

In his major works, Rotimi would seem to have achieved pointedly, perhaps more regularly than Soyinka, the grand spectacle and affective communal richness that is evidenced in the best African theatre tradition. As Soyinka notes: The stage is created for the purpose of that communal presence which alone defines it and this is the fundamental defining concept, that the stage is brought into being a communal presence , so, for this purpose the stage becomes the affective, rational and intuitive milieu of the total communal experience, historic, race-formative, cosmogenic.

Where such theatre is encountered in its purest form, not as recreated metaphors for the later tragic stage, we will find no compass points, no horizontal or vertical definitions Soyinka, A Tragedy of the Ruled was produced in , published in , combining tragedy and history. An improved version was also staged in Critical response to If… was slow to come but when it did most reviewers merely gave credit to the technical handling of the play.

Obviously, If… was — and is — not another The Gods or Kurunmi. In , Rotimi published Statements, a pamphlet containing speeches and addresses delivered on aspects of the general election in Nigeria.

Hopes of the Living Dead was premiered at the University of Port Harcourt in , published in To Be or to Become? Here, he started another theatre company, African Cradle Theatre ACT in which became a vehicle for the re-performances of certain of his plays.

However, in , ACT folded up probably due to lack of funds. Both have now been published posthumously as The Epilogue , edited by Effiok Uwatt. In the first play, Rotimi satirises sexism and, in the second, he mocks the benign insincerity and selfishness that can be concealed behind altruism. For most of the s, Rotimi lived in the Caribbean and the United States, and taught at Macalester College, a private, mixed-sex and liberal arts college in Saint Paul, Minnesota.

In , he returned to the Obafemi Awolowo University, and lectured there until he passed away in August of that year; his wife, Hazel, having passed away in May of the same year. In , Playwriting and Directing in Nigeria: Interviews with Ola Rotimi, authored by Rotimi but edited by Uwatt was also posthumously published. Critical Approaches to Ola Rotimi Apart from numerous newspaper reviews and academic articles, there are very rare full-scale studies on Rotimi.

This situation is of course not reflective of the stature of this playwright who had such a fruitful theatre career spanning nearly forty years by the time he passed away on 18 th August, Most commentaries and studies on Rotimi can be classified into five main but overlapping critical approaches: For, as Achebe rightly puts it: Consequently, I will discount the limiting premise of conventional dramatic theory and criticism — a kind of aesthetic formalism which emphasises that art is essentially autotelic and bears immanent stylistic values autonomous in themselves rather than dependent on historical specifics of social life Sheppard, ; Lyas, ; Carroll, As Ngugi notes: Arguably, this kind of critical approach will be influential in unveiling and determining the political vision enacted in the plays selected for this study — The Gods are not to Blame , Kurunmi , Ovonramwen Nogbaisi , Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again , Holding Talks , If, the Tragedy of the Ruled and Hopes of the Living Dead The dominant stress, of course, falls on politics, history and culture.

In this chapter, I am interested in culture and politics as the transcription of human experience in two plays by Rotimi, namely, The Gods Are not to Blame and Kurunmi. I will explore how this experience is understood and interpreted by the people in both plays. Since Nietzsche, other theorists, historians, anthropologists, dramatists, etc. Greek culture and other cultures elsewhere.

Wole Soyinka, for instance, has employed the medium of the novel or the play or poetry, or even thoughtful critical essays to respond to the homologous details of Greek and Yoruba culture Soyinka, Consistent to the end, Oedipus willingly accepts the punishment of self-torture and banishment he had earlier, as investigator and judge, pronounced on whosoever was found to be the murderer of Laius, the old king of Thebes.

The main argument in the play seems to emphasise that destiny is alterable, especially with a man of abundant good-will, steadfastness and good-temperedness. Two Nigerian scholars, Wande Abimbola and Bolaji Idowu amongst others, have researched into this belief system. The findings of Idowu are particularly revealing. Abimbola also affirms this position, stressing that Orunmila, the god of divination, is also the god that apportions destiny Eleri Ipin and can alter an ominous one at will - if consulted.

As early on remarked, Rotimi retains the Sophoclean plot, content more with dubbing certain cultural details of the Yoruba into the original myth. Odewale would have been heir to the throne of Kutuje, but he was a son whose birth was preluded by an ominous prophecy: He would murder his father and his mother. So, the venerable King Adetusa, in his bid to beat this fate, as well as escape from the guilt of infanticide, does not sacrifice the baby immediately to Ogun as advised by divination, but orders that the boy be abandoned in the thick forest.

He is adopted by the monarch of the tribe and brought up as the real crown prince, the circumstances of his birth effectively concealed from him. Nothing stands in his way except the singular prophecy that came in his adult years: Incidentally, his wanderings lead him to Kutuje where the people are besieged by their more powerful neighbours, the Ikolu.

Odewale leads Kutuje against their enemies, secures victory, and — by popular demand - accedes to the throne. Henceforth, Kutuje prospers, the king is admired and respected. In the length and breadth of the land there is peace and plenty. The situation is only tragically disrupted by the outbreak of a plague. This, one may say is natural enough. For plagues are rife in pristine cultures. But Ifa divines that the plague is the vengeance of the gods for the unsolved murder of the old king Adetusa.

And unless the murderer is brought to book the plague would rage for long to come. Odewale suddenly discovers that he is in the midst of murderers, pronounces bitter deterrent measures and sets in motion the whole machinery of detecting the criminals.

For example, Rotimi converts the Sophoclean chorus into the recognisable Yoruba political hierarchy in which chiefs are not only decision-makers of the state but rule jointly with the potentate. Sophocles had started the venture in some way by making the chorus partly spectators, partly actors.

Though Rotimi does not give the credit to Ifa, for the reason earlier stated, the overall tone of his adaptation suggests that the will of the gods is not only challengeable but also cancellable.

Gravely, he recalls the reason for his unpremeditated and tragic assault on the stranger he killed at the crossroads: He called my tribe bush. By submitting blindly to the oracular authority and conceiving political change merely as the rudiment of tribal loyalty, his humanity is degraded by unintended cruelty and brutality. However, as we will see later, this attachment to the authority of divination is merely a ritual mask that Odewale will discard when it suits him.

As Adeboye Babalola observes, the Ijala artist owes his inspiration to Ogun, the creative-destructive Yoruba daemon. Ijala itself does not veer from this somewhat contradictory mission, mingling in its details the grave and the grotesque. In The Gods, the orthodox European sense of the tragic submits to a pruning by the local culture perused by Rotimi. In a sense, then, Banham and Wake may have largely classified our feeling when they write: As queen, unlike Jocasta, she has a subordinate wife Abero, so that her role is not unique but merely peculiar.

Because Odewale is not the solver of sphinx riddles but a victorious warlord, his personality bristles with more aristocratic sureness but reduces all around him to effeminate subordinates. In such a situation, the Athenian aristocratic flourish is denied Ojuola. She, in effect, is transformed into an utterly dependent and submissive queen. The gulf between her and Odewale is not merely that of the soiled mother and infamous son but that of the achiever and non- achiever, of the conqueror and the conquered.

This blunt contrast heightens considerably the tragedy of the couple. Aderopo is not another Creon. But a cloud of doubt alerts us against making definite pronouncements. More so, when we recall that the near-by Corinth respects the claim of the heir-apparent more than any from other royal princes. A point well-pressed by the presence of the Corinth messenger at Thebes to fetch Oedipus for a waiting throne.

This line of thinking reveals its weight when we consider how Creon is strengthened in his Nigerian counterpart, Aderopo.

It is only because custom is sacrificed to valour that Odewale is invested. At best, as the example of the Old Oyo Empire provides, Odewale should be merely a generalissimo, an important generalissimo no doubt, but not the king.

That Odewale is conscious of this disrespect to culture and is eager to effectively consolidate himself on the throne is betrayed in his exaggerated reaction to the murder of the old king. While he summarily banishes Aderopo on speculated charges, he is over-joyed that Ojuola does not follow her son into exile but opts to live within the law of the land. Ojuola, Odewale knows, is a constant of power, of the transference and consolidation of old power in new and stranger hands.

More than Creon, Aderopo is the dark horse, the silent moving force, bound to overthrow the new and re-establish the old. Nietzsche has put it this way: As for Alaka, Banham and Wake are adequate deciphers of the details of his character. They are potent significations in a play loaded with ironies and disarming charm. Displacement necessarily creates a vacuum which is only filled by the power that displaces.

But one usurpation creates another because it is a rupture in the body politic which other forces pretending to cultural truth would seek to redress. Populist to the core, he aligns himself with the queen, the chiefs and maintains a populist, paternal figure with his subjects.

Paternalism, heavily imbued with a protectionist charm, is the counter-culture that Odewale promotes to consolidate himself on the throne.

There is only one class he does not take along with himself: This neglect proves the ruin of the usurper, the sup- planter, the bed-sharer. For the class, which has not benefited from the patronage of the state, remains faithful to the old order, the old guard under which it can aspire to importance in the hierarchy of state. He bids to finally rout out all other claimants to the stool: Says Odewale: It would be me next. Me, an Ijekun man, a stranger, in the midst of your tribe.

The headstrong soothsayer, the revelation, the provocative Aderopo, the witty Alaka, the bodyguard to the old king from Ipetu, all are telling factors in a crucial political ferment. He cuts a miserable figure at the end of the play not so much from the ghastly blood pouring from his eye-sockets but for the cold, icy triumph of the old party whose prominent members speedily arrange for the next king.

It is not shame alone either that makes Ojuola commit suicide. Technically, she symbolises the ruptured culture that must be purified. But on a more realistic note, as a constant of power, she is politically destroyed with Odewale. The next queen whose star must rise is Abero - her subordinate wife. Conveniently, one guard makes room for the next. In his adaptation, Rotimi, only probably, clarifies most of the questions we would naturally have asked at the end of the Sophoclean version.

Questions like: Why did Tiresias, the priest of Apollo behave so arrogantly in the court of Oedipus? Why was Oedipus in hot pursuit of the truth? Why should Jocasta commit suicide?

And many others. The success of The Gods lies in the clarifications, especially in the smooth continuous flow of all the arguments pertinent to the murder-mystery, the catalyst for every other event in the play. There is a history in all men's lives, Figuring the natures of the times deceas'd; The which observ'd, a man may prophesy, With a near aim, of the main chance of things As yet not come to life, who in their seeds And weak beginning lie intreasured.

Shakespeare, This view of history as a kind of augury is probably the main rationale for adapting history to drama — it allows the playwright to use history as a commentary on contemporary life. As a genre, arguably, the history play begins life in any society as the dramatic portrayal of the anthropomorphic crises pre-occupying the divinities in the communal pantheon. Dramatising the stories of such people who lived in pre-historic times, who have transmuted into apocryphal heroes and are living in the collective memory as archetypes, involves the same kind of artistic process that depicts the lives of historical characters on the modern stage.

However, as tragedy is usually about fictional characters accorded historic importance, history plays, which are purely about historical characters, have been an entirely different genre. In the Shakespearean model, the focus is on the epic moments of past national history in which formidable characters, such as kings, courtesans and nobles engage in intrigue, violence and warfare to determine issues of succession and their effects on the general polity.

In Kurunmi, specifically, Rotimi is dealing with a time in the history of the Yoruba Oyo Empire when the political class was fractured into competing hegemonies and a full-scale civil war became inevitable. Political stability and economic prosperity were achieved by an unwritten constitution that spelled out the basic duties of the king to his subjects, the manner of succession to the throne, the limitation to the power and influence of chief office holders: As the core of the empire — the metropolitan Oyo — was situated along the important trade route linking the North with the South, it not only benefited extensively from its middleman role but actually controlled this trade to advantage.

About , the forces of the caliphate finally sacked Oyo, a development that compelled the Alaafin to move his capital to a new site, further southwards. Here, a new edifice sprang up with a novel concept of division of political powers: This trimorphic concept was further welded by cultural imperatives such as demanded by consultation and mutual respect between the Alaafin and the constitutional defenders of his kingdom.

Finally, to forestall the ambitions of successive heirs-apparent to the central stool, an heir-apparent must commit suicide as soon as the knell of the father tolls.

For just as Ibadan accepted the move, Ijaye opposed it, as contrary to tradition. But the Oyo kingmakers ignored the ominous rift and pressed ahead to install Adelu as the old Alaafin passed away.

From the onset, then, it is obvious that even more than The Gods, Kurunmi will dwell extensively on the complex relationship between culture and politics and how a particular cultural ethos becomes the argument for a specific political arrangement.

Kurunmi is divided into five acts, each with a poetic subtitle. The act reveals that Kurunmi has ulterior motives not unconnected with checking even more the little influence of the central administration and the growing importance of Ibadan further south.

The contents of this policy enhance more the provincial powers at the expense of the metropolitan power. This arrangement was feasible only when beleaguered Oyo was caught in the crises of external and internal aggressors. This was not quite the case in The Empire had achieved some measure of equilibrium and was ready to play one provincial hegemony against another to reassert its former authority. What Alaafin Atiba wanted then amounted to a change in status—quo, a reformulation of the contents of an increasingly inconvenient policy.

The crucial significance was that any power which succeeded in altering these contents at will would have succeeded in projecting itself as a super-power, invested with almost a totalitarian status among other power blocs. In all the three scenes of the Act, Kurunmi consistently defends his aggressive action towards the new potentate as proceeding from a desire to protect the immutability of culture.

For Kurunmi, culture is like a natural phenomenon, an order, a specific course, self determined and determining. In his words, culture is like: The Gaboon viper! When the Gaboon viper dies its children takes up its habits poison all. Rotimi, Culture is like a stylus in a crack, it repeats itself monotonously: The plantain dies Its saplings take its place broad leaves and all.

The fire dies its ashes Bear its memory with a shroud Of white fluff That is the meaning of tradition. Culture is not man-made, but it is a divine, eternal process that survives man, and determines him. Culture in the purely Kurunmi sense is not a social factor bound by politico-economic considerations but is another manifestation of the immutable will of the gods.

Because Kurunmi argues in this sense, we must not assume that he knows no better. In the case of Kurunmi, his praise-chants set him out as: Lord that must be obeyed Like a thief demander of absolutes. Because in Ijaye, power is concentrated solely in his person, Kurunmi is at liberty to abuse this power, a charge actually levelled at him by the warriors of Ijaye on behalf of the citizenry. The exchange is as follows: You have become too powerful my Lord Fanyaka: You Lord it over everybody, over everything Epo: You are even chief priest to all the gods; look at them, Sango, Ogun, Oya, Orunmila.

All of them, the gods of our fathers are now your personal property. Like clothing, you use them to your taste, tired of one, you pass it to your brother Popoola, who now owns the Egungun cult Amodu: You have grown too powerful, my Lord Fanyaka: Kurunmi, Kurunmi, Kurunmi, Abah! In brief, Kurunmi is an absolute lord because he combines absolutely the culture and politics of Ijaye in his own person. This is the tradition at his power base.

This is the importance of the dialogue between the notables from Oyo and Kurunmi: You forgot that time passes and the ways of men must change with time. We have tradition, and tradition is tradition. Times may pass but the laws of our fathers, tested and hallowed by the ways of men, live on. That is tradition. Tradition adapts. To what? To times. Whose times? Your Idea. And so? We change. Tradition must change with man. Go give your robes to slaves.

Emphasis mine Rotimi, Culture is a totem of politics, it enshrines the sacred objects of political hegemony. Obviously, culture is no more destined or immutable than the political persuasion of the day.

What of the Ibadan war hawks? How do they see the festering conflict? The council is divided into two powerful factions, one led by Ogunmola and the other by Ibikunle, the Prime Minister and Ibadan military General.

Ogunmola is the second—in-command. What finally carries the day is a political interpretation of the specifics of tradition. And Ogunmola puts it best for others: Who now owns all lands in Upper Ogun? As Chief Warrior, tradition calls him to defend the kingdom starting from the left side of Oyo, and going up towards Ilorin, against attack from the people of Sabe and Popo. But what has Kurunmi done? First, he stole Egba lands and added them to Ijaye.

Nobody spoke. Now Kurunmi is Lord over all lands from Shaki right up to Awaye. The conclusion of the council then cannot but be against him. Osundina, another Ibadan warlord summarises this conclusion: So, the Ibadan council decides to support Oyo because as arch-rival of Ijaye, their own position is threatened if Kurunmi gains ascendancy over the metropolitan power. Support for Oyo literally becomes support for the maintenance of the status quo at Ibadan. Tradition, as in Oyo and Ijaye is applied as an etymological expression for constitution.

Arguably, the Yoruba Oyo empire, being a patchwork of competing hegemonies will eventually prove unwieldy under the declining influence of the Alaafin. To cite Rodney again: The situation in Oyo becomes even more grim where the interdependency between powerful states collides with a method of personal ascendancy to the saddle of metropolitan or federal power.

This development culminated in the founding of such city-states as Ijaye and Ibadan whose rulers and notables were warlords, unlike the overall head at Oyo, where the Alaafin is a civilian head. This is the kind of political power structure that, presumably, Alaafin Atiba was hoping to establish by appointing his heir-apparent to reign after him, a move that proved too controversial for Kurunmi to swallow. However, apart from the machinations of the courtesans and war hawks, politics at grassroots level also has something to contribute to the inevitability of the ensuing civil war.

For instance, the enthusiasm with which the news of war is received in Ibadan and Ijaye reflects the closeness of the status quo to the grassroots. In Ijaye for instance, Kurunmi as a demander of absolutes, and an appropriator of all wealth is merely feared, not respected. He also drums more on the charges of culture- violation against his Alaafin to shift the burden of the vital political questions of the day away from his own specious politicking.

Of necessity, then, the war between Ijaye and Ibadan can only lead to the ruin of Kurunmi, the absolute leader of Ijaye and to the further strengthening of the Ibadan council, the collective leadership with closer rapport with the grassroots.

Acts III and IV establish this point and at the end of the play Kurunmi perishes in the war along with his entire family. The important observation here is that the tragedy of Kurunmi is not merely the tragedy of a defender of culture. Culture is but a facial issue until its political implications are brought to the fore.

Kurunmi embodies the inherent contradictions of feudalism. Feudalism is at once paternalistic and expropriative, but it is also populist and autocratic. At the facial level, Kurunmi is worshipped as a hero by the populace but his politics of self-aggrandisement soon fractures his power base, and he is rejected and condemned to ruination. But these roles and rewards thin out as the feudal lord concentrates all powers and resources in his own person.

Rotimi seems to apply his consummate skills as a dramatist purely to crafting Kurunmi in line with the possibly biased hues afforded by the mainline historical narrative which is mostly in support of the Oyo monarchy and the triumphant Ibadan warlords who consolidated their political power into the new-found hegemony of Ibadan as the successor to the Oyo empire. This kind of view, a tributary of the rather specious theory that history is the heroic acts of great men, banishes from the pages of history and the dramatic stage the endless acts of small men and women, the ordinary people, whose power as agents of social action is, consequently, delimited in favour of the hegemons of the day Carlyle, , Hook, ; Segal, ; James, Given that historical context, perhaps, it is a dramatisation of the excesses of the political class and the acute awareness that change from the bottom up would be vanishingly small.

Rather, as H. The nineteenth century witnessed more deliberate and less subtle efforts by European powers to interfere directly in the politics of African states. The slave trade, the great rage for four centuries, had lately been abolished. With the advent of what is now popularised as the industrial revolution in Europe about the late 18th century, Britain and its satellites, notably the Americas, dispensed gradually with the army of manual workers Landes, ; Baten, The mercantile class shifted the focus of investment from the sugar plantations to establishing capital-intensive industries.

The demand of the factories, in terms of raw materials, far superseded the reduced need for African slaves. As Rodney would note: Simply, leading European investors and merchants found their economic imperative difficult to attain without a precise method of political influence on the continent. The first phase of this influence was a treaty phase. European governments and investors rushed to conclude trade treaties with African states, and where they met a rebuff, military campaigns became the rule; a development hastened and actively encouraged by the Berlin conference of at which key decisions regarding acquisition of colonies were concluded MacKenzie, ; Lloyd, Between and the next two decades one African state after another fell as colony, subdued by the aggressive and implacable wheels of colonialism.

The ancient Benin Empire had its own turn in The play opens with a prologue dominated largely by choreographed movements, processions and Benin songs of impending mutiny. The plaintive lament is an all-pervasive chorus: That within the Benin nation itself exists a dark history of repression and despotism is supported by the next trend of events in the play. Act 1 details the dissensions within the empire and hints of a possible confrontation between Benin and Britain.

In order to neutralise opposition, Ovonramwen rounded up the ringleaders, court—martialled them and ordered their execution. On the contrary it merely alienates his subjects whose loyalty becomes ever more divided. Ovonramwen might think that he had quelled the wrangling for power within the palace walls with the hasty executions but subsequent events show that the scars leave a permanent strain between the palace and the populace, the schisms so created are merely concealed by the awesome fear of the fetish and military backing of the monarch.

For Ovonramwen, the political wrangling points to only one lesson: He asserts before his courtiers: Let the land know this: Ovonramwen Nogbaisi is set to rule as king after the manner of his fathers before him. Some men there are who think that, by honour of years, or the power of position, or by too much love for trouble, they can dull the fullness of my glow and bring darkness on the empire! But they forget that no matter how long and stout the human neck, on top of it must always sit a head.

Whilst Uzazakpo, the court jester cautions the Oba and advises that he allies with his chiefs, Ovonramwen remains adamant.

He declares: Indeed, harshly now I have learned that if like soap you try to make men clean, like soap you will dwindle in the act Rotimi, What Ovonramwen successfully conceals in this drama is the significant truth that he is, in a sense, a usurper, a violator of the constitutional procedures for succession to the Benin throne.

Writes Home: In , Oba Adolo had died after a long reign, and his son Idugbowa came to the throne, taking the titles Oba Overami. The succession was contested by a younger son of Adolo Orokorho…born when Adolo was Oba…The last succession, forty years before, had started a long and bloody civil war, but Idugbowa prevented a repetition of this when Adolo finally died, by packing the streets of the capital with his armed supporters.

Home, And in the case of Benin, coupled with the absolutism of succeeding Obas, fratricidal wars consequent on succession were becoming quite common. Notes Basil Davidson The traditions of Benin speak of bad or harsh Obas in this period; behind such traditions we should no doubt understand the mounting problems of government, as warfare and rebellion spread across the land Davidson, And he deploys both almost too appropriately.

But the chief diplomat within the palace is not the Oba himself. Rather, it is Uzazakpo, the royal jester. In spite of the seemingly trivial title, the jester displays effective intellectual capacities and political horse-trading which enable him to manage the tangled knot of state affairs. Quietly but insistently, he tells the Oba: I still say that you were too hard on your elders this morning.

I offended no one If they find me suddenly gone harsh, it is that the murder of Uwangue Egiebo a favourite protege has taught Ovonramwen Nogbaisi to face the world teeth to teeth! True but your approach is fear — the instilling of fear.

What you want is loyalty. Not fear. From the people of Benin? Not in our time. You can get it. Like grass from the face of the sky Rotimi, For Uzazakpo, the critical moment requires not the intensity of an individual resolve but the strength and assurance of a collective will, a mass will. To Ovonramwen Take my word: Consequently, upon this advice, Oba Ovonramwen makes new moves to court his subjects.

By selective promotion and demotion, he brings closer to the helms of power those chiefs in whom he has cause to trust, either because they command some influence outside the palace, or demonstrate grit and hardiness, such factors being highly reckoned in times of crisis.

There are two major reasons for this: Secondly, as Home observes: The tardiness of the Oba to assert his authority over the indulgence of his officials breeds rebellion in the provinces. The importance of the provinces to the Benin lies in the strategic economic leverage they offer the state. Apart from the revenues derived from the booties of war and subscriptions from vassals, the Bini the people of Benin enjoy their vantage location between the coast and the hinterland.

Their middleman position secures for them such trade rights and privileges which promote the prosperity of the state. The Oba, a great merchant himself, reserves the power to determine and control who downloads what or sells what, as much as over the price and variety of the actual products, and their quantity. But the people of the hinterland, the Ishan for instance, are getting more and more irrepressible in their bid to trade directly with the Europeans. In the old days, a swift military campaign would have brought the erring chiefs of the hinterland to their knees.

But the Benin army is much in shambles, hardly effective enough to police the metropolis, not to talk of the provinces. Consequently, a string of vassal states bid to re-assert their independence. Rotimi provides a sufficient example in the Udezi of Akure who, hoping to cash in on the political instability of the metropolis, the interminable in-fighting of the royal court factionalising the state, declares his own independence. Little tiny stars crisis crossing, under-cutting, outshining each other to rival the moon itself!

But the Udezi of Akure is not alone in the plot. Ekpoma and Agbor, directly under the nose of the Oba, are also bidding for self-autonomy.

In Act 1, Rotimi presents the Benin Kingdom as sharply divided by divergent economic and political interests with the Oba increasingly having to resort to violence and crude manipulations to curtail the excesses of foes and friends alike.

Benin between and when two English men Hutton and Gallwey visited on behalf of her majesty had lost considerable political clout and had barely escaped being engulfed in a civil war. Perhaps, without the interference of the English, the Oba might with the coming years, have cemented the factions and subdue the provinces. But the hypothesis is denied by the determined presence of the British in their desire for trade and overseas provinces.

From the late 18th century, European explorers had become familiar with Benin. Benin traders sold the European merchandise at a good profit among the Edo and in the neighbouring states. But the March visit was different in a sense: They requested the Oba to formally conclude a trade treaty with Her Majesty. Ovonramwen, however, recognises the politico-economic implications of the visit and the treaty. He expresses his distrust in very memorable words: Messengers step back; he addresses the Whiteman I Thank you.

And I thank your queen. But I wonder why all this show of favour? I do not know your queen. Yet she sends Ovonramwen greetings from Lagos, and greetings from England…you people come with greetings. Now she wants me to sign a treaty Indicates scroll in his hand of trade, she sends me gifts. My friends, it is not kindness but the need for a clean mouth that makes the hippopotamus open its mouth wide for the river to peck at. Why is your queen so…open? Neither party is ready to yield to the other and the differences can only be resolved not by any appeal to right, but to the decider of international politics, might.

The omen in their manner of departure is captured by Ologbosere, a notable Benin warlord: Ovonramwen, anticipating being surprised by his enemies, orders fresh military build-ups in Benin and the coastal towns: Lead trusted warriors out to alert all towns along the roads leading to Benin. Thus, quite adequately the visit prepares the ground for the tragic events of Benin became the cynosure of the world for its ritual traditions.

In the eyes of the expanding British empire, Oba Ovonramwen and his chiefs became notorious sadists and savages who indulged with grim pleasure in human sacrifice at a large and horrendous scale. To Europe, especially Britain, who acted as the police of the world then, what we dignify as Human Rights today were in extreme jeopardy.

In the drama, James Phillips, the envoy, was directly concerned with expanding the frontiers of England to include those colonies which could feed British industries with required raw materials at cheap and token costs.

Even Captain Allan Boisragon, a survivor of the ill-fated trip, admits faintly that: The conduct of trade in the colonies demands direct contact with the interior that produces the goods! Meanwhile, Overame has placed a Juju on all produce from that interior. I get the complaints, gentlemen. Commerce, gentlemen!

Commerce brought us to Africa; commerce determines our actions in Africa! While the British press and political class pretend that the ostensible reason for the visit was moral, the Benin authority also refuses the visit on similar grounds: Obayuwana and Uso, two Benin war veterans, sum up the issues at stake: My brothers- at-arms, is this how we must dangle the rest of our lives?

On fear? We say one thing to our bush traders, the Whiteman gets up and commands another thing. Who owns Benin? Who owns Ijekiri land? Who must fix prices for goods? The Whiteman or we? That the Oba and his chiefs disagree on principles reflects deeply and sadly the unhealed political bruises of yore. Whatever way we look at it, one thing is clear: The outcome of that struggle has now become history: Phillips and his party were ambushed on their way to Benin and murdered.

Gods…what has become of me? McCrindle, P. Ferguson, C. Higgins, and J. Baudequin C. Couallier, M. Rakib, I. Deguerry, R. Severac, and M. Becker, A. Gerstmann, and H. Benskin, J. Ahrens, D. Muir, B. Scott, C. Spencer, B. Rosenberg, G. Tomy, H. Kylin, R. Lohmann, and J.


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Lugard telli me An example was the Edo cultural group that performed in the production of Ovonramwen Nogbaisi. Park, B.