THE BALOCH RACE PDF

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London, Reproduced in PDF form. By: take it as applying to the Baloch race proper, not as comprising Brahois, Numris and other tribes of Indian origin. selves and their neighbours as the Baloch. It is in the latter signification that I employ the word. I take it a s applying to the Baloch race proper, not as comprising. The Baloch race. A historical and ethnological sketch. byDames, Mansel Longworth. Publication date Topics Baluchi (Southwest Asian.


The Baloch Race Pdf

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The Baloch Race. 95 Pages·· MB·12 Downloads. (4) DAMES (M. Longworth). The. Baloch Race. A. Historical an d Ethnological Sketch. (Price 5s The. The Baloch race. A historical The_Miracle_of_Mindfulness__An_Introductio_-_ venarefeane.ga The Miracle of Mindfulness: An Introduction to the Prac. This is an exact replica of a book. The book reprint was manually improved by a team of professionals, as opposed to automatic/OCR processes used by some.

It has however assimilated some phonological variations and incorporated the vocabulary of interacting languages but the chore morphological pattern and the syntactical formation is still intact. The comparative studies with several other Dravidian languages as if Tamil, Telgu, Kanada and Kui have substantiated the theory of its Dravidian origin8.

Modern Brahui has accommodated Balochi, Urdu, Farsi, even Siraiki and Sindhi vocabulary in its lexical array because of its cultural intercourse with these languages. Strangely enough, it has borrowed little vocabulary from Pashtu as well which is entirely different in its structure and morphemes. Sarawani Brahui displays influences of Balochi and Siraiki while Jhalawani dialect has acculturated Sindhi words and expressionse. The dialect of the people settled at the nexus of Sarawan and Jhalawan, mainly Kalat is assumed to be the standard dialect of the language9.

Like Balochi, Brahui literature can also be classified into three broader periods: Brahui folk literature is rich with the romantic fantasies of love and the life experiences. The prose consists of folk tales, proverbs, and riddles while poetry includes love songs laili mor , marriage songs bar-nazana, laiko, hallo 8 Brahui, Nazir A.

Several tales were created for entertaining and soothing children. Folk literature is replete with the symbols of kings, queens, princes, poor persons, shepherds and peasants.

Metaphors of birds and animals add color and meaning to that literature. Nomadic characters also take their place in folk literature. Brahui folk tunes are quite similar to the tunes in Balochi, Sindhi and Pashto. Say liako is the common poetic form and tune in the above- mentioned three languages. Siroze and dambura were the common instruments of men and women who played daira a little drum Three themes are prominent in the pre-partition period of Brahui literature: Rebellious thoughts and feelings were mostly expressed in epic forms of poetry as it happened to be the most appropriate form to accommodate anti-imperialist sentiments.

In this age forms remained mostly classical but the contents changed. The epics of Rakhey and Basham are the quintessence of resistance against the British Raj. Durkhani School of thought also played an important role in anti-colonial resistance. With their Islamic approach and ideology they also opposed inhuman unkind tribal customs. They also encapsulated modern political thoughts in their nationalist expressions. Noor M. Parwana is the most famous poet, writer and journalist who laid the foundations of anti- imperial, modern, nationalist literature in Brahui.

He interpreted Brahui language, literature, history and culture from the nationalist point of view. Among others Malik M. Along with new political, social and philosophical thoughts new forms of expression were also adopted by the poets and writers of this age. An Overview, Balochistan Review, Vol. Modern literature also encompasses the trends of equity, justice, peace and human rights Both Brahui and Balochi like Pashto are not the means of education at any level rather Urdu and English are used in academic, administrative and all other formal situations.

The borrowing of lexicon and structural features from these different languages presents a problem of increasing divergence and is weakening Balochi language.

To these languages which are not used in education and official domains can be added Brahui, Pashto, Siraiki and Sindhi spoken in Balochistan. One of the possible causes for the failure of Balochi mother tongue education in Balochistan is a political one. Without referring to other political issues one factor is clearly understandable. The large influx of Afghan refugees is significantly threatening the previous demographic proportion of the province.

Many of the refugees settled in Pakistan and have easily got their Pakistani identity cards. They are ethnically Pashtuns and blended with the already sizeable Pashtun population in the province. The Baloch and Brahui population combined is larger than that of the Pashtuns. The Baloch and Brahui are ethnically one people, but linguistically quite distinct. Thus, while Urdu is the means of instruction in schools, their ethnic unity is not questioned, but when separate Balochi and Brahui schools are established, the distinctiveness of the two groups becomes more in focus.

If the Baloch and Brahui are seen as two peoples, rather than one, it is feared that the Pashtuns might claim to be the single largest people of the province.

With demography being one of the most powerful forces in politics, it was felt better by some policy makers to carry on with Urdu education in the province so as not to raise the linguistic profile of the Pashtune people. The Issue of Refugees in Balochistan Soviet invasion and breaking out of almost unending civil war after the withdrawal of troops made million of Afghans to expatriate in the neighboring countries.

The aftermaths of September 11, gave another kick to the process of extradition. Although no precise data have ever existed with the Afghan Refugee Commissioner but their strength was estimated around 2. We can roughly say that half of the refugees are settled in Baloch-Brahui and Pashtune areas of Balochistan There are millions who never got them registered in the Refugee Camps and simply intermingled in the local Pashtune society.

Government of Pakistan now claims of having sent back around 1. But millions of those who have set up their businesses around, born and brought up here, developed socio-cultural ties and have turned in to voters are off course never planned to go back. They are now half the population of Balochistan. Most of the Afghaneese settled in Baloch areas are Dari Persian speaking people from Tajik, Uzbek and Turkeman tribes while in Pashtune areas they are from both Dari and Pashto speaking people. Because of sharing linguistic, cultural and behavioural dispositions, the Afghan refugees intermingled and created socio-economic space for them more conveniently in Pashtune areas than in Baloch-Brahui areas.

The Baloch show a greater inconvenience and resentment towards the refugee-settlers than the local Pashtunes. One of the main reasons is to dominate the economic market given their willingness to do anything at any price and the tacit support or preference of the native Pashtunes of Afghaneese over the Baloch or Brahuis in terms of work.

The poor strata of Afghans are involved in construction work, Karez digging, catering, cattle- raising and soil cultivation and are found in most of the rural areas of Balochistan. Reasonably well off are engaged in carpet and rugs trade and fruits, grocery and restaurants business and they are settled in Quetta, Zhob, Chaman, Loralai, Sibi and Kharan.

Number of refugees is believed of having escaped from the Iranian refugee camps and from Kurdistan and Seistan province of Iraq. There it was easier to infiltrate from the southwestern terrains skipping the surveillance of border police or getting entry in exchange of bribery. They all refused to return until the Saddam regime is over thrown. The number of Iraqi refugees registered with UNHCR in was but scores of them had slinked out to other cities unnoticed. Most of them are believed of having settled in Quetta and other cities of Balochistan.

Now when the Sadam regime has been out posted May in Iraq they are less likely to go back either by choice or by the fear of postwar disorder in the country According to some unauthentic sources their population is the following: Christians 80,, Hindus 70,, Ahmedies , Parsees and Sikhs around Christians Economically the Christians come from lower and lower middle classes and are mostly engaged in health, education and sanitary services.

There are three large Churches of Christians in Quetta. Three famous schools, the Grammar School, St. Several Military and Civil Servants of Balochistan are qualified from these schools. Although the Baloch society is more tolerant to the Christians like other minorities but changing trends of new religious conservatisms is creating serious problems for the Christians in various spheres of life.

Humiliation of Sanitary workers and sexual harassment to nurses in 14 Kundi, Mansoor Akbar Balochistan: In legal matters, judiciary and administration have an evident leaning towards the Muslim party Inter alia other reasons, they were drawn in by the lucrative mercantile opportunities in the area. Later on most of them migrated to India during the times of the subcontinental split and afterwards.

In Balochistan the Hidus are settled in both Pashtune and Baloch parts of the province. A portion of their population also lives in Masting, Kalat, Kharan and Dalbandin in the west and Bela in the east. A big temple of Hindus is found in Gandava, a small town of Jhall Magsi. There is more than one sect of Hindus but their faith is a mix of Brahminism and Sikhism. Interestingly we do feel any resentment or abhorrence over slaughtering a cow in these sects. One of the sects in Khuzdar eats meet as well.

There are influences of Muslim traditions in their faith, say fasting, and the respect for shrines and celebrating their rituals is common The Hindus are overwhelmingly involved in small trade and commerce and a fair proportion of them are quite prosperous. But in Pashtune areas they do not occupy trade and commerce but are engaged in minor jobs and services.

Historically they have been exclusively dominating in small trade and artisanship in the markets of Sibi, Bhag, Kharan and Bela. Money lending is their traditional business and it is still common with them.

Now they are also entering into other arenas like medicine and teaching. In Sibi and Kachhi they are believed to be the good doctors and teachers. Nevertheless, one can easily identify them from their physiognomy and fair skin. Women wear saris and bear tilak red mark on their foreheads. Hindus and Muslims can be seen mixing up in social gatherings, local festivals and in seeking public services from the local administration. Unlike the Pashtunes, Baloch markets provided enough space to the non-Baloch for business and trade.

Pashtune tribes tend to hold the profitable entrepreneur in their own hands and like to transfer menial tasks to the non-Pashtune groups.

However, the assimilative nature of the Baloch tribal structure creates enough economic space for extra tribal groups like Hindus. There are examples, rare but real, where Hindus or Christians annex the word Baloch with their names as a sign of their association with Baloch cast. The pattern of Baloch hierarchy and the social status associated with various occupations also helped the Hindus to carve out their room there.

For example, music, entertainment, trade and crafts were assumed to be the less esteemed tasks hence were taken over by other communities. Hindu communities also generated associations with various Baloch tribes and were given protection by the sardars. This all never means that there is no segregation at all. Muslim and Hindu blocks and streets are interlinked but separate.

Examples of inter-communal marriages are extremely uncommon. Newly emerging religious inclinations in Baloch-Brahui people is also cultivating the attitudes of discrimination.

In Kachhi, some of the poor in-debtors express their vexation and anger over the high interest rates charged by the Hindu money-lenders. Similarly their monopoly over the grain market is also disliked by the Muslim traders. The most dramatic and discernible shift is being introduced by the Afghan refugees with their socio-economic infiltration. Gradually they began to penetrate in the trade and economy of the towns. They are proving to be the fierce competitors of the Hindu merchants.

Sharing the resentment towards Afghan refugees local Baloch have been supporting the Hindu traders so far but given the mercantile efficiency of the Pashtunes with the support of local Pashtunes, they are steadily replacing the Hindu traders. In Kol-Pur, for instance, they even displaced some of the Hindu shopkeepers by paying more rent or downloading the shops out-rightly.

We could assume that the trend will reverse with the departure of refugees but their second wave in consolidated the ongoing trend. Secondly, the Afghan merchants began to transmit their discriminatory attitudes in the Brahui merchants.

Current situation is putting the Hindu traders at a further disadvantageous position In retaliation to the demolition of Babri Mosque in Ayodhya India in early s the Hindus of Balochistan received a heavy loss in terms of life and property which raised serious doubts about their peaceful co-existence in Balochistan as the situation has been in the past. At least four of the traders were killed in the town of Gandawa and no action was taken by the local administration. Their ancestors are believed of having migrated from Persia in mid 19th century.

Most of them live in a large colony at Jinnah Road Quetta having strong kinship ties with one another. Parsees are inclined towards education and are liberal in their attitudes. Ahmedies, a broken sect of Islam, officially declared non-Muslims in are highly educated and used to be highly influential in the public sector before the anti-ahmadyy legislation and a sort of social boycott began taking it roots in the country.

Most of them live in Quetta except a few houses in Loralai, Sibi and Khuzdar Zikries believing in Zikr recitation of Koran and the nomenclature of God despite prayer, have though not been declared non Muslims but face severe discriminations and are concentrated in Ketch and Gawadar districts of Makran.

The Zikiri, from Arabic word zikr, to remember, to recite, is a minor sect of Islam less known and written about in Pakistan. Almost all of the Zikris, except the few in Khuzdar, Kharan and Karachi, are found in Makran division. No true figure of their proportion is available as the federal census undermines their separate identity. A few decades earlier, they were estimated to be half the population of the area but now they are approximated to one third the population of Makran.

Zikris themselves claim to be much more than told by the non-Zikris and they identify other sects of Islam as Namazis, one who says prayers against the Zikris.

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Hindus in Pakistani Balochistan in Marginality and Modernity: They believe that Mahdi, their spiritual leader and founder of this sect, got revelation around this mountain. The Baloch sub-tribes embracing this faith are Sanguras, Rais, Sajdis, meds and darzadas Prejudiced and discriminatory state laws, administrative and public rules are enticing the attitudes of injustice even in the societies, tolerant and accommodative by traditions.

They are being forced to live in socio-political islands with whom one cannot have friendship, develop social ties or marital relationship. Their role and position in the public and political spheres is highly discouraged and there is an effort to push them down to petty and menial occupations in economic arenas of life.

The norm has been relaxed a bit by the time but a strong preference for cousin marriage is still persisting. Early marriage is common though the education and employment pressures are stretching the marital age. Culturally it is appreciable to give ones daughter in to marriage once she comes of age. In Pashtune areas of Balochistan, Afghan migrant communities and in some of the Brahui and Baloch families a girl is usually given in exchange of the bride price, Vulver in Pashtu or Labb in Balochi, incurred by the groom or his family.

In some of the Baloch areas Bijjari fund for the bride price is collected from the whole clan. The expressed reason of accepting Vulver or Labb is to prepare dowry and meet the expenditures of marriage i. There are no fixed rules for the amount of bride price but it is usually higher if the girl is young, good-looking or belongs to an affluent family or the proposing family is out of the kin folks.

The contract is made by the two families through mutual consent and backing out by either side is strongly detested.

In Pashtune areas the amount normally fluctuates between Rs. The Zikris of Balochistan in Marginality and Modernity: In quite a few number of cases where the arrangement is made purely on the basis of bride price women live a loathsome life. Exchange marriage i. In some of the cases, it is already decided that the girl born to the couple will be given in exchange to one of the grooms relatives in exchange. The educated urban classes are rapidly turning away from this primitive custom but the practice is common in rural uneducated strata.

Two of the most distinctive ceremonies are seclusion of the bride a week or two before the marriage and taking the groom away korag from the settlement on the day of marriage. Only the closest relatives can see the bride in her days of seclusion who beside jokes and whispers explain her roles and duties towards her husband and in-laws.

While in korag the groom bathes, dresses up and comes back on the camel back amidst dance and music. Property, mainly land or other assets are not transferred to a woman either in her consanguinal or in affinal family despite the fact Islam bestows the right of property to a woman.

Divorce, too simple historically and a right protected by the Family Laws of , is very uncommon because of general social disliking.

Women are highly discouraged to seek divorce whatever circumstances she is living in even if Islam and the civil law allocates her the right to seek divorce. The birth of a baby boy is celebrated with more pomp and show in comparison to a baby girl. Women gather in the family and sing sippat and nazanik songs of praise for the child. Infantile ceremonies include sasigan selecting name on sixth day burruk circumcision padgami child's beginning to walk and salwar wearing of trousers etc.

Baloch nomenclature is also borrowed from animals, plants, tree, colors, tastes, week-days and events. Save a very few examples of urban nuclear families, the pattern of extended household life log is still very common in Baloch-Brahui society. A khandan is organized on paternal lines headed by a grand or grand grand father who plays a vital role in settling family disputes or making new matches According to the tribal values both of the parties committing fornication must be given the penalty of death in case it is proved or clearly observed.

Scores of men and in most of the cases only women are killed under this black tribal law every year. In most of the situations the man or the woman is brutally killed immediately under a fake or foul suspicion to achieve ulterior motives like revenge, property, assets or hide any other crime committed by the culprit while the man or the woman is blamed to be seen in objectionable posture.

The man flees or is told of having fled away while a woman is almost always killed due to parda and mobility constrains. In worst cases a man kills another man for tribal or political reasons or for personal vengeance and then kills his closest kin, usually sister, drags their dead bodies closer and puts false charges of adultery to save his neck.

In worst cases a man or a woman can be alleged of having adulterous liaison with a dead man or woman just to seek a license to kill. If a man is captured by the police and the case goes to the criminal court, though it is very uncommon, his crime is normally condoned as the law is highly flexible and favorable to the murderer under the section of honour killing.

Generally it is practiced throughout Balochistan but the ratios is relatively higher in south western districts of Balochistan i. Although the indigenous theory of Baloch origin has an appealing argument, yet it is not well documented with sufficient archeological evidence and valid historical accounts. This discussion therefore leads us to contend that instead of being a mono-racial group, it is more reasonable to believe the Baloch as a mixture of different ethnic, linguistic and cultural groups.

After studying the relevant literature, we argue that the Baloch nation is a mixture of various ethnic groups such as Aryans, Arabs, Persians, Turks, Kurds, Dravidians, Sewais Hindu ,1 and the black African people.

Thus, it is fair to say that the Baloch are heterogeneous in its composition and characters. According to 1 According to the Imperial Gazetteer of India ; , all traditions asserts that before the Ahmadzai Khans of Kalat, who brought together western Balochistan into an organized state in , the former rulers of Kalat were Hindus, Sewai by name. In fact, the Brahui later intermixed with the local Sewa people, and when the former became dominant and established their own rule, the local Sewa people, with passage of time, merged into the Baloch tribal people Naseer, In this regard Naseer viewed that Nichari, Pandrani, Zehri, and Sajidi2 tribes of the present-day Balochistan are the remnants of Sewa people and hence the indigenous people of Balochistan.

It is believed that during the 18th and 19th centuries, Arabs of Oman and other traders brought these people as slaves for trade purposes from Zanzibar to the Western Indian Ocean Nicolini, ; Narang et al, ; and Baloch, The main slave centres were Jhalawan, Makran, and Kharan. According to one estimate the total number of slaves reached to in Kalat by Matheson, Now, they are an integral part of the Baloch nation and considered themselves Baloch.

In fact, Lyari was said to be the homeland and cradle of Baloch nationalism in the s Baloch, S. The Gichki the ruling family of British Makran during mid 18 th century are said to have migrated from the Rajputana under Jagat Singh and settled in Kech Makran and their descendants are called Gichkis who ruled over Makran for decades Sheikh, , Baloch, The Gichkis have been living in Balochistan since 18th century and consider themselves as Baloch.

It is also believed that the Rind tribe of the Baloch belongs to the Arab and are Semitic. Brahui argued that the ruling family of Kalat belonged to the Arabs who had migrated from Oman to Balochistan. He maintained that the Marri and Bugti tribes, living around the eastern mountains of Koh-e-Sulaman, also belong to the Rind tribe of Baloch. In his view, the Marri and Bugti came to Balochistan, either with the Arab invaders or afterwards.

Furthermore, Tajik and Iranian origin tribes can also be found in the present-day Balochistan. The people of Saka dynasty were known as Seghthai. So according to Malik, the present Sajidi tribes of Balochistan belong to Saka group of tribes. The Genesis of Balochistan The exact time of the formation of Balochistan as a formal nation-state is contentious, as it is neither ancient nor modern because it probably emerged as a nation before the era of enlightenment and the French revolution.

On the contrary it is only the traditional Balochi folklore that considers him the founding father of Baloch nation, and the legends however hardly explain the origin and evolution of any nation. Mir Chakar Khan Rind — a legendry Baloch chieftain and warrior — probably formed somewhat a formal, yet loose, confederacy of the Baloch tribes for the first time in s.

Janmahmad believes that the union of Rind and Lashar — the powerful tribes of time — heralded the formation of a large Baloch confederacy stretching from Kirman to the west and Indus River to the east.

But the Baloch unification under this confederation was short-lived as the Baloch tribes were in frequent internal wars and feuds, which made them unable to maintain the political unity and harmony.

Resultantly their confederacy — if it was a confederacy by any definition — under Chakar Khan collapsed, which led the tribes towards further divisions and fragmentation Hughes, Given this one it is reasonable to argue that the Chakarian era was flushed with sheer tribalism and clanship that by no means qualifies for nation and nationalism.

After falling into disintegrations and breakups in the ensuing periods the Baloch are believed to have emerged as a nation with the establishment of the Kalat Confederacy by Mir Ahmed Khan in s Khan, It is worth arguing the fact that the Baloch until the 17th century did not fall into the framework of primordialist and modernist theories.

That is because as per the primirdialists the nation is natural and somewhat given since ancient times, and the national identity is unalterable and permanent, and the Baloch on the contrary put their claim of nationalism to the time immemorial regardless of their linguistic, racial and ethnic differences.

Modernist theorists such as Gellner , Kedourie , Anderson , Hobsbawm and others are of the opinion that nationalism engenders and creates nations, and not vice versa.

However, in the case of Balochistan, the notion that industrialization and modernity are prerequisites for the emergence of a nation is misleading in essence and disqualifying in content. The Baloch as a nation existed prior to the industrial revolution, printing press, and capitalistic mode of production, and other such precursors of developments reached Balochistan only in the late 20th century. Thus, the emergence of Baloch as nation took place with the advent of formation of the Kalat Confederacy.

Yet the beginning of Kalat State is based upon speculations given the lack of any authentic written documents and historical accounts. Primarily when Mir Ahmed established the confederacy, it was only confined to Sarawan and Jhalawan areas of modern day Balochistan.

The consolidation and expansion of Kalat confederacy with a centralized institutions and regular army took place when Mir Naseer Khan Noori 1 was ruler Naseer Khan was a fine and shrewd administrator with remarkable strategic and political understandings.

However, the historians and writers altogether failed to mention an important — albeit ironic — chapter of Balochistan history that took place during reign of Naseer Khan: the mass persecution of the people of Makuran region. At the time Makuran was a semi-autonomous state ruled by Gichki and Buleidi families respectively. Under a false sectarian pretext, yet underneath with mischievous political designs, Naseer Khan waged three consecutive invasions on Makuran.

This unleashed mass slaughter and persecutions, killing hundreds of thousands of innocent people. Therefore, we argue that Mir Naseer Khan 1 whereas expanded the frontiers of Balochistan and brought a sound territorial integrity to Kalat Confederacy hence rightly considered among the Baloch as Naseer Khan the Great, yet for thousands of people in Makuran region he carried out unabated pains and agonies.

In addition to his territorial, diplomatic and internal conciliatory accomplishments Naseer Khan triumphed ushering in a political process and provided the Baloch with a constitutional structure — still unwritten and based on cherished traditional societal values — and setup a parliament, influenced probably from the Westminster model, with two houses — the house of lord and house of common. On economic front Kalat performed well during Naseer Khan reign.

Agriculture, particularly in the plain land of Kachchi witnessed an unprecedented expansion and duly became the mainstay of Kalat economy. The irrigation systems of Kachchi comprised dams and channels, which had been established from ancient times.

Under the instruction of the Khan, the officials organized and supervised the dams and channel systems strictly. The tribal lands were divided between different constituent clans of the tribe. Each Sardar tribal chief was responsible to grant overlord rights to the sections of the tribe Swindler, , The vastly increased resources reinforced the personal authority of tribal chiefs, which might have played an important role of transforming the Sardar from being elective to becoming hereditary.

It also changed the socioeconomic dynamics of the Baloch society; in that, it established the tribal chiefs as landlords — a phenomenon which was new in the pastoralist nomadic Baloch society. The glorious era of expansion, diplomacy, institutional buildings and internal cohesion — yet amidst ruthless persecutions of the people of Makuran — of Kalat state came to an abrupt end with the death of Mir Naseer Khan in A weakened and divided Balochistan fell prey to geostrategic politics of two great rival powers — the Great Britain and Czar Russia — of that era.

The Great Britain concerning the Russian advancement to the warm waters of the Arabian Sea created a buffer zone that encompassed Balochistan and Afghanistan. Siddiqi argues that a disorganized and weak Balochistan and Afghanistan were indeed unable to counter the Czarist expansionist strategic towards South Asia — specifically to the Arabian Sea — and British perceiving the threat of Russian presence in the region adopted a sound deterrence plan to limit the Russia to the Central Asia.

Balochistan bordered Afghanistan, the latter being susceptible to Russians because of its geographical proximity to the Central Asian region, where the Russians were now slowly and gradually expanding.

This led to weaken the power to the Khan as ruler of Kalat State, and subsequently the Agent to the Governor General replaced the Khan as head of the Confederation dividing Balochistan into many administrative units with administrative and financial authority resting the British.

With the advent of British and the subsequent weakening of Khan of Kalat, Balochistan underwent a series of political, administrative and economic changes. The British assumed the direct control of Balochistan, bringing far-reaching social and political changes in the Baloch tribal polity.

Introduction of administrative reforms by Sir Robert Sandeman changed the basic fabrics of the Baloch society, which certainly helped the British to crush successfully the pockets of Baloch resistance against the occupation of their land. For British colonizers Balochistan was nothing more of a frontier state, in contrast to other parts of the subcontinent, only having strategic significance. They denied all sorts of public services to the people of Balochistan and introduced no people-centric political, economic and social reforms; even a fraction of sorts that we see other parts of subcontinent.

They intentionally kept the Baloch backward and underdeveloped with far reaching consequences. The tribal chieftains and the Baloch tribal system have to this day remain the key cause of many problems including lack of unity, feudalism, and animosity between tribes, leading to internal tribal wars, traditional economic means and with social dynamism.

The Dynamics of Baloch Nationalism Baloch nationalism can best be explained through the ethno-symbolist approach, which sees modern nations as extended forms of older communities called ethnic ethnic groups , and modern nationalism as being built on these pre-existing ethnic and cultural groups see Smith, , and Baloch nationalism and the Baloch resentment within the federation of Pakistan demonstrate that it is all about history, identity, and resources that shape the dynamics of Baloch nationalism.

Factually speaking, Baloch nationalism itself is an old phenomenon that goes back prior to the formation of Pakistani federation.

However, the Baloch disgruntlement that emerged just after the creation of Pakistan is a new occurrence with changing orientations. So far as the Baloch nationalism is concerned, it emerged with the arrival of the British in Balochistan in and evolved subsequently over the years. Kalat was a semi-autonomous state before the partition in under the suzerainty of the British Government as per the treaty of between the Khan of Kalat and the British Government.

Even after the complete merger of the State of Kalat in the federation, the status of Balochistan remained largely ambiguous until when it was recognized as a province of federation. It is worth noting that the Baloch leadership including some prominent chieftain and tribal elites had struggled to the successive central governments of Pakistan for the provincial status of Balochistan. Thus, in ensuing periods the Baloch nationalism became polemic that was marked by the contradictory forces of assimilation and political pragmatism.

Political pragmatism during this time was at its peak amongst the majority of the political and tribal chiefs of the province. It was an era of divisions within divisions, alliances, and factionalism Jaffrelot, However, in spite of this, most Baloch nationalist parties possessed a common stand on Baloch national 48 A Research Journal of South Asian Studies The History of Baloch and Balochistan: A Critical Appraisal issues such as provincial autonomy, control over resources, and constructions of mega projects in Balochistan.

In the general elections of , the Baloch-Pashtoon nationalist, National Awami Party NAP , won majority of seats both in provincial and national assembly and duly formed the provincial government with the coalition of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam.

However, the NAP-led government was short-lived. Under the pretext of secessionist charges — though these charges were never proven — the NAP-led provincial government of Sardar Attaullah was replaced by yet another pro-federation dispensation that the representative Baloch leadership found hard to align with. The ire and antagonism between the Baloch leadership and federation culminated into a revolt and subsequent military intervention in Balochistan during s, which was more intense and bloodiest as compared to the previous ones.

However, when General Zia Ul Haq captured powers in as the military dictator, he released all the nationalist detainees including the Baloch leaders and the Hyderabad Tribunal Case withered away without any result. The era from to s seems to be an era of calmness between the Baloch nationalists and the federation of Pakistan.

One cannot see any major offensive from either side but rather the Baloch nationalist parties and leaders resorted to gain more provincial autonomy and control over the resources of their province. In legal matters, judiciary and administration have an evident leaning towards the Muslim party Inter alia other reasons, they were drawn in by the lucrative mercantile opportunities in the area. Later on most of them migrated to India during the times of the subcontinental split and afterwards.

In Balochistan the Hidus are settled in both Pashtune and Baloch parts of the province. A portion of their population also lives in Masting, Kalat, Kharan and Dalbandin in the west and Bela in the east. A big temple of Hindus is found in Gandava, a small town of Jhall Magsi. There is more than one sect of Hindus but their faith is a mix of Brahminism and Sikhism. Interestingly we do feel any resentment or abhorrence over slaughtering a cow in these sects.

One of the sects in Khuzdar eats meet as well. There are influences of Muslim traditions in their faith, say fasting, and the respect for shrines and celebrating their rituals is common The Hindus are overwhelmingly involved in small trade and commerce and a fair proportion of them are quite prosperous. But in Pashtune areas they do not occupy trade and commerce but are engaged in minor jobs and services. Historically they have been exclusively dominating in small trade and artisanship in the markets of Sibi, Bhag, Kharan and Bela.

Money lending is their traditional business and it is still common with them.

Balochistan: A Geopolitical Powder Keg

Now they are also entering into other arenas like medicine and teaching. In Sibi and Kachhi they are believed to be the good doctors and teachers.

Nevertheless, one can easily identify them from their physiognomy and fair skin. Women wear saris and bear tilak red mark on their foreheads.

Hindus and Muslims can be seen mixing up in social gatherings, local festivals and in seeking public services from the local administration. Unlike the Pashtunes, Baloch markets provided enough space to the non-Baloch for business and trade.

Pashtune tribes tend to hold the profitable entrepreneur in their own hands and like to transfer menial tasks to the non-Pashtune groups. However, the assimilative nature of the Baloch tribal structure creates enough economic space for extra tribal groups like Hindus.

There are examples, rare but real, where Hindus or Christians annex the word Baloch with their names as a sign of their association with Baloch cast. The pattern of Baloch hierarchy and the social status associated with various occupations also helped the Hindus to carve out their room there. For example, music, entertainment, trade and crafts were assumed to be the less esteemed tasks hence were taken over by other communities. Hindu communities also generated associations with various Baloch tribes and were given protection by the sardars.

This all never means that there is no segregation at all. Muslim and Hindu blocks and streets are interlinked but separate. Examples of inter-communal marriages are extremely uncommon. Newly emerging religious inclinations in Baloch-Brahui people is also cultivating the attitudes of discrimination. In Kachhi, some of the poor in-debtors express their vexation and anger over the high interest rates charged by the Hindu money-lenders.

Similarly their monopoly over the grain market is also disliked by the Muslim traders. The most dramatic and discernible shift is being introduced by the Afghan refugees with their socio-economic infiltration.

Gradually they began to penetrate in the trade and economy of the towns. They are proving to be the fierce competitors of the Hindu merchants. Sharing the resentment towards Afghan refugees local Baloch have been supporting the Hindu traders so far but given the mercantile efficiency of the Pashtunes with the support of local Pashtunes, they are steadily replacing the Hindu traders.

In Kol-Pur, for instance, they even displaced some of the Hindu shopkeepers by paying more rent or downloading the shops out-rightly. We could assume that the trend will reverse with the departure of refugees but their second wave in consolidated the ongoing trend. Secondly, the Afghan merchants began to transmit their discriminatory attitudes in the Brahui merchants.

Muslim 22 traders have started to prefer Muslims for a deal. Current situation is putting the Hindu traders at a further disadvantageous position In retaliation to the demolition of Babri Mosque in Ayodhya India in early s the Hindus of Balochistan received a heavy loss in terms of life and property which raised serious doubts about their peaceful co-existence in Balochistan as the situation has been in the past.

At least four of the traders were killed in the town of Gandawa and no action was taken by the local administration. Their ancestors are believed of having migrated from Persia in mid 19th century. Most of them live in a large colony at Jinnah Road Quetta having strong kinship ties with one another. Parsees are inclined towards education and are liberal in their attitudes. Ahmedies, a broken sect of Islam, officially declared non-Muslims in are highly educated and used to be highly influential in the public sector before the anti-ahmadyy legislation and a sort of social boycott began taking it roots in the country.

Most of them live in Quetta except a few houses in Loralai, Sibi and Khuzdar Zikries believing in Zikr recitation of Koran and the nomenclature of God despite prayer, have though not been declared non Muslims but face severe discriminations and are concentrated in Ketch and Gawadar districts of Makran.

The Zikiri, from Arabic word zikr, to remember, to recite, is a minor sect of Islam less known and written about in Pakistan. Almost all of the Zikris, except the few in Khuzdar, Kharan and Karachi, are found in Makran division.

Islamic Republic of Pakistan

No true figure of their proportion is available as the federal census undermines their separate identity. A few decades earlier, they were estimated to be half the population of the area but now they are approximated to one third the population of Makran.

Zikris themselves claim to be much more than told by the non-Zikris and they identify other sects of Islam as Namazis, one who says prayers against the Zikris. They believe that Mahdi, their spiritual leader and founder of this sect, got revelation around this mountain. The Baloch sub-tribes embracing this faith are Sanguras, Rais, Sajdis, meds and darzadas Prejudiced and discriminatory state laws, administrative and public rules are enticing the attitudes of injustice even in the societies, tolerant and accommodative by traditions.

They are being forced to live in socio-political islands with whom one cannot have friendship, develop social ties or marital relationship. Their role and position in the public and political spheres is highly discouraged and there is an effort to push them down to petty and menial occupations in economic arenas of life.

The norm has been relaxed a bit by the time but a strong preference for cousin marriage is still persisting. Early marriage is common though the education and employment pressures are stretching the marital age. Culturally it is appreciable to give ones daughter in to marriage once she comes of age. In Pashtune areas of Balochistan, Afghan migrant communities and in some of the Brahui and Baloch families a girl is usually given in exchange of the bride price, Vulver in Pashtu or Labb in Balochi, incurred by the groom or his family.

In some of the Baloch areas Bijjari fund for the bride price is collected from the whole clan. The expressed reason of accepting Vulver or Labb is to prepare dowry and meet the expenditures of marriage i. There are no fixed rules for the amount of bride price but it is usually higher if the girl is young, good-looking or belongs to an affluent family or the proposing family is out of the kin folks.

The contract is made by the two families through mutual consent and backing out by either side is strongly detested. In Pashtune areas the amount normally fluctuates between Rs. In quite a few number of cases where the arrangement is made purely on the basis of bride price women live a loathsome life. Exchange marriage i. In some of the cases, it is already decided that the girl born to the couple will be given in exchange to one of the grooms relatives in exchange.

The educated urban classes are rapidly turning away from this primitive custom but the practice is common in rural uneducated strata. Two of the most distinctive ceremonies are seclusion of the bride a week or two before the marriage and taking the groom away korag from the settlement on the day of marriage. Only the closest relatives can see the bride in her days of seclusion who beside jokes and whispers explain her roles and duties towards her husband and in-laws.

While in korag the groom bathes, dresses up and comes back on the camel back amidst dance and music. Property, mainly land or other assets are not transferred to a woman either in her consanguinal or in affinal family despite the fact Islam bestows the right of property to a woman. Divorce, too simple historically and a right protected by the Family Laws of , is very uncommon because of general social disliking. Women are highly discouraged to seek divorce whatever circumstances she is living in even if Islam and the civil law allocates her the right to seek divorce.

The birth of a baby boy is celebrated with more pomp and show in comparison to a baby girl. Women gather in the family and sing sippat and nazanik songs of praise for the child. Infantile ceremonies include sasigan selecting name on sixth day burruk circumcision padgami child's beginning to walk and salwar wearing of trousers etc.

Baloch nomenclature is also borrowed from animals, plants, tree, colors, tastes, week-days and events. Save a very few examples of urban nuclear families, the pattern of extended household life log is still very common in Baloch-Brahui society. The cohesiveness of kin-group goes beyond extended family to the organization of kindred known as khandan, physically living side by side 25 in adjacent houses.

A khandan is organized on paternal lines headed by a grand or grand grand father who plays a vital role in settling family disputes or making new matches According to the tribal values both of the parties committing fornication must be given the penalty of death in case it is proved or clearly observed. Scores of men and in most of the cases only women are killed under this black tribal law every year. In most of the situations the man or the woman is brutally killed immediately under a fake or foul suspicion to achieve ulterior motives like revenge, property, assets or hide any other crime committed by the culprit while the man or the woman is blamed to be seen in objectionable posture.

The man flees or is told of having fled away while a woman is almost always killed due to parda and mobility constrains. In worst cases a man kills another man for tribal or political reasons or for personal vengeance and then kills his closest kin, usually sister, drags their dead bodies closer and puts false charges of adultery to save his neck.

In worst cases a man or a woman can be alleged of having adulterous liaison with a dead man or woman just to seek a license to kill. If a man is captured by the police and the case goes to the criminal court, though it is very uncommon, his crime is normally condoned as the law is highly flexible and favorable to the murderer under the section of honour killing.

Generally it is practiced throughout Balochistan but the ratios is relatively higher in south western districts of Balochistan i. Dhadar, Nasserabad, Jaffarabad and Jhal Magsi. Similarly the incidents are not uncommon in Kohloo, Rakni, Lora Lai and Barkhan the northwestern towns of Balochistan With the advent of modern economy and urbanization, several new sources have emerged but a sizeable portion of the rural population still depends on raising cattle.

Being highly undeveloped and politically neglected, a large number of communities have no other trade but to survive on livestock.

The climate and terrain of the area has been appropriate for herding sheep, goats and camels. Rain-fed agriculture, cultivating date trees, raiding and fishing in coastal areas, have been the other vital components of their subsistent economy.

The people of Lasbela and Kachhi plains, irrigating their lands by floodwaters and canals have lived a sedentary life since long. Agricultural dependence has developed peasantry attitudes in cultivable parts of Balochistan. Tribal structures, values and attitudes are observed to be softened in sedentary communities of Balochistan. Traditionally the people of Makran have been surviving on date farming, fishing and camel breeding.

Hashr is a voluntary service rendered to a person or family by other community members free of charge. What the employer needs to do is to arrange for the lunch and dinner of the workers. Sowing, harvesting, picking dates, building bridges or houses, diverting torrent waters or combating a disaster needs a larger workforce to meet the demand.

This is an obligatory reciprocation that still works in several rural areas despite the wages are quickly replacing the custom. In rural Balochistan, the people usually take two meals a day, one in the morning and one in the evening while the urban dwellers prefer three meals a day.

Mainly wheat then Bajra and Jowar are the elements of staple food. Milk, butter and meat are the most favourite ingredients of food. Under the Bagi custom the food is distributed in a village at the large scale and the poor and needy people were specially given enough food to eat but the custom has now become almost obsolete.

Mainly the degenerated British built roads and track network is still in use to interlink it with Sindh, Punjab and neighboring countries.

Whatever large and small paved and unpaved tracks have been constructed in late s and later on are more to strengthen the central control over the territory and to exploit its mineral resources less to facilitated and connect people.

The old track passing down from Quetta to Sibi and to Sakhur is mostly a single line broken track highly difficult to travel on for longer distances. The well known RCD Road, constructed with American aid in late s has two main branches, one running down to southwest from Quetta to Dalbandin to Nokundi and to the Iranian border at Taftan and another heading towards the southeast from Quetta to Kalat, Khuzdar, Bela and to Karachi.

Now, it is under excessive traffic burden and has depreciated to a pathetic level. One can hardly drive smoothly just a few kilo meters without frequent changes in the pace. The road that links Balochistan with Zhob through Dana Sher is immensely loaded with heavy traffic and it is impossible to pass through without trouble.

Similarly the one that joins Balochistn with Dera Ghazi Khan through Loralai, Rakni and Barkhan is a rough single track broken for several kilo meters after each kilometers Most of the other parts of the province are interlinked by uneven kacha tracks or dirt roads. For instance, a rail track from Sibi to Harnai, established sometimes in late and never improved as such, takes 6 hours just to cover the distance of 55 kms.

It is perhaps the slowest track throughout Pakistan No proper road between the coastal towns of Balochistan and Karachi exists, though much important a route in economic context. Its no digress to mention that unavailability of a metallic road causes immense loss of the finest variety of date and fish in the area every year.

Health: The situation of health is appalling in Balochistan. Malnutrition, sickness, maternal and infant mortality, premature birth and physical incapability are not uncommon symptoms in this area.

The maternal mortality rate is per live births and life expectancy at the time of birth is 55 years. Roughly, there is one doctor for every persons and in the backward most 10 districts persons per doctor while in Mumashkhel, Awaran and Barkhan more than persons can approach to one doctor only.

Female health staff is only scantily available and the condition in rural parts is utterly depressing. There is not a single woman doctor in at least five districts of the province. Poverty, lack of information and poor health services add to the miseries of the ailing people particularly in rural areas. Disproportioned health staffs in terms of area and gender afflicts greater tragedies to the residents of the area specially women.

Their access to health services is extremely limited given the wide distances, broken communication, privacy and their specific needs. Travel, mobility constrains and household responsibilities hamper women to seek medical advice timely. Most oftenly they are taken to the doctor when it is too late.

IV-V, Balochistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta 29 stated the unavailability of lady doctors for women patients as the hurdle to receive the treatment. Feeling shy, improper and combine waiting space for both sexes and the fear of being known of having sought feminine advice, say contraception, is also embarrassing for one third of the female population. Medical and technical capabilities, physical condition of hospitals and dispensaries, availability of medicine, equipments and all other necessities is poorest off all other provinces.

What off furniture, machines and other required apparatuses even proper stationary is not available at divisional and district levels. Staff is poorly equipped with office management and other service delivery methods.

Male biased health practices and socio-legal issues intensify the intricacies many times more Education: Balochistan contains the poorest rate of education throughout the country. There were Primary Schools in , out of which were boys and were the Girls Schools i. High Schools in the same years were estimated to be total, for boys and 83 for girls.

Obviously the number of schools is far less to cover the population of 3. Various international sources assume both of these figures to be unrealistic. Correspondingly, we get only one Boys Middle School for 11 villages and one Girls Middle School for every 46 villages.

There is enormous gap of male and female enrolment ratio at the basic three tiers of education. At primary level female enrolment is half the level of boys, at middle level it is one third and at the secondary level it is terrible one twentieth of the ratio of boys The number of female teachers is nearly one third of the male teachers at all the three levels.

Hundreds of teachers, both male and female, either stay absent or manage a permanent leave when and if appointed or transferred in a remote area. Unsuitable school-buildings, lack of accommodation for a teacher from another town, transportation problems and sense of insecurity, mainly for women teachers, discourage them to join the schools of far-flung areas.

Majority of the teachers prefer urban areas upon the rural areas to serve. Many schools stand without any building under the open sky and many are short of furniture, black boards, stationary and other essentials. Insufficient and inadequate school buildings, lack of trained teachers and proper facilities are the major obstacles on the way to rapid literacy.

Entrenched tribal values, the burden of household chores and early marriages particularly in rural areas are major impediments towards female education. But this is a fact that institutional and physical inadequacies are now a major barrier towards education than the age old conservative attitudes.

There are three main ethnic communities in the region with indigenous roots to this land i. Brahui, Baloch and the Pashtunes. Brahuis, capturing the heart of Balochistan, are the original inhabitants of this territory, an offshoot of the Dravidian race easily identified from the syntax and lexicons of their language and their own physiognomy.Three themes are prominent in the pre-partition period of Brahui literature: resistance against the imperials rule, Islamic education and struggle for Pakistan.

In retaliation to the demolition of Babri Mosque in Ayodhya India in early s the Hindus of Balochistan received a heavy loss in terms of life and property which raised serious doubts about their peaceful co-existence in Balochistan as the situation has been in the past.

Current situation is putting the Hindu traders at a further disadvantageous position Tribal structures, values and attitudes are observed to be softened in sedentary communities of Balochistan. There are three main ethnic communities in the region with indigenous roots to this land i.

Their access to health services is extremely limited given the wide distances, broken communication, privacy and their specific needs. Rebellious thoughts and feelings were mostly expressed in epic forms of poetry as it happened to be the most appropriate form to accommodate anti-imperialist sentiments. The Hindus are overwhelmingly involved in small trade and commerce and a fair proportion of them are quite prosperous. The consolidation and expansion of Kalat confederacy with a centralized institutions and regular army took place when Mir Naseer Khan Noori 1 was ruler